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DWatch calls on inquiry into foreign interference to get secret Cabinet confidence documents from Trudeau Cabinet

Trudeau Cabinet also withheld the documents from David Johnston – no sign inquiry is pressing Trudeau Cabinet to disclose the documents

Loopholes in election, political finance, lobbying and ethics rules and weak enforcement make secret, unethical interference and misinformation legal

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Thursday, April 11, 2024

OTTAWA – Today, Democracy Watch released the submission it made on February 8th to the Hogue Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Canadian politics requesting that the Inquiry demand written, public answers from the Trudeau Cabinet about why it is withholding some Cabinet documents from the Inquiry, and also withheld them from Special Rapporteur David Johnston, and to ensure the Cabinet discloses the documents to the Inquiry.

Canada’s spy agencies have disclosed all foreign-interference related documents they have without redactions to the Inquiry so Commissioner Hogue can see all the details to determine what actually happened. The Trudeau Cabinet disclosed Cabinet confidence documents to last year’s inquiry into the use of the Emergencies Act, so it clearly can disclose such records to the Hogue Inquiry.

The submission is also posted on the Inquiry’s website.  The Inquiry Commissioner and staff have not responded to the requests set out in the submission.  Democracy Watch is an intervener in the Inquiry and is represented at the Inquiry by Wade Poziomka and Nick Papageorge of Ross & McBride LLP.

“The foreign interference inquiry commissioner should not tolerate this excessive secrecy by the Trudeau Cabinet and should demand disclosure of the records,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch.  “If the Trudeau Cabinet continues to hide records from the inquiry into foreign interference, Canadians are justified in assuming that disclosure of the records would make the Cabinet look bad, and that is why the records are being kept secret.”

On March 23, 2024, Democracy Watch also submitted to the Hogue Inquiry a list of 10 key witnesses and about 140 key questions to ask them.  The questions are aimed mainly at revealing the many loopholes in Canadian federal election, donation and spending, lobbying and ethics laws, and the lack of independent, effective enforcement of those laws.

The loopholes in the laws make secret, unethical foreign interference and misinformation activities legal, so no watchdog is even monitoring the activities, which makes it impossible to determine the extent of interference in the 2019 and 2021 elections, or after those elections up to now, or to stop the interference.

Almost all the watchdogs who are supposed to enforce the few rules that exist chosen in secret by the ruling party Cabinet, many of them serve at the pleasure of the Cabinet, most don’t do inspections or audits, most are not required to issue public rulings on every allegation they investigate, and in many cases there are no penalties for violating the laws.  As a result, their enforcement is weak and ineffective and does little to discourage violations.

“A foreign-agent registry will not be enough to stop foreign interference in Canadian politics, especially if it is full of loopholes,” said Conacher. “Last year the lobbying commissioner gutted ethical lobbying rules, and MPs added a loophole to their ethics code so foreign-sponsored lobby groups can sponsor intern spies in their offices.  Those changes, combined with the existing loopholes and flaws in Canada’s election, political donation and spending, lobbying and ethics laws, make it even easier than it was in the past for foreign governments, businesses and organizations to influence Canadian politics and politicians in secret, including by making false claims on social media sites.”

“All our key democracy laws, including laws that claim to be aimed at stopping foreign interference, are enforced by weak lapdogs who are handpicked by the ruling party Cabinet, and they operate largely in secret and lack powers and accountability for doing their jobs properly,” said Conacher.

Click here to see the Backgrounder that summarizes all the loopholes and weak enforcement problems that make foreign interference legal and easy to do.

Click here to see summary list of 17 key changes to stop foreign interference.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Stop Foreign Interference in Canadian Politics Campaign and Open Government Campaign

Democracy Watch in court today appealing ruling that let off lobbyists who helped Chrystia Freeland win election, then lobbied her officials and staff soon after

If lobbyists are allowed to campaign for and assist politicians and then lobby them, then unethical, favour-trading lobbying will be allowed

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Monday, April 8, 2024

OTTAWA – Today, Democracy Watch is at the Federal Court of Appeal (FCA) in Ottawa appealing the June 2023 Federal Court ruling that it was reasonable for federal Commissioner of Lobbying Nancy Bélanger to let lobbyists Ben Bergen and Dana O’Born of the Council of Canadian Innovators (CCI) off the hook even though they lobbied Liberal Cabinet minister Chrystia Freeland’s department and staff soon after co-managing her election campaign and serving on her riding association executive.

Democracy Watch’s two cases are being heard together given they are about the same situation, and DWatch argues that Bergen and O’Born’s lobbying violated the federal Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct Rule 6 which was in force at the time and which, according to the Commissioner’s own website, prohibits lobbyists from putting a politician in even an appearance of a conflict of interest, and Rule 9 which prohibits lobbying a politician or their staff for years after campaign or fundraising for them or assisting them in any other significant way.

Democracy Watch is asking the FCA to overturn the Commissioner’s and Federal Court’s rulings and find that lobbyists who campaign for or assist politicians and then lobby them soon afterwards put them in an apparent conflict of interest.  Another similar situation came to light recently involving Jenni Byrne, who assisted Pierre Poilievre’s campaign to win the Conservative Party leadership, and has served as an adviser since, has been linked to lobbying of Poilievre’s staff and Shadow Cabinet ministers.

The hearing of the appeal is at 9:30 am at the Federal Court Building, 90 Sparks St., 10th floor, Ottawa, and also online on Zoom (click here to register to watch the hearing on Zoom).  The case is FCA File No. A-181-23.  Democracy Watch is represented by Andrew Montague-Reinholdt and Rhian Foley of Nelligan O’Brien Payne LLP.

“The federal lobbying ethics code prohibits anyone from lobbying a Cabinet minister or their officials for years after helping them get elected or assisting them in a significant way, and so hopefully the Federal Court of Appeal will overrule the Commissioner of Lobbying and find Minister Freeland’s former election campaign and riding association managers guilty of violating the code given they lobbied many senior officials in Minister Freeland’s former department soon after co-managing her election campaign,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch.

 “By letting the CCI lobbyists off the hook, issuing other similarly weak rulings in recent years letting off other unethical lobbyists, and by gutting key ethical lobbying rules, Lobbying Commissioner Nancy Bélanger is continuing the negligent enforcement record of her predecessor Karen Shepherd who let off 84% of the lobbyists who violated the law during her decade as commissioner,” said Conacher.

Lobbying Commissioner Nancy Bélanger finally issued two rulings in March 2020 (a completely unjustifiable delay of almost three years after Democracy Watch filed its complaint) that Mr. Bergen and Ms. O’Born did not violate Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct rules 6, 8, 9 or 10 which prohibit assisting a politician in any significant way and then lobbying their office or officials afterwards.

The cases have been delayed multiple times.  First in fall 2020 waiting for the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) to decide whether to allow DWatch to appeal the Federal Court of Appeal’s ruling on its case challenging former Lobbying Commissioner Karen Shepherd’s decision not to investigate the Aga Khan for giving Justin Trudeau’s family and friends a trip to his private Bahamas island.  Incredibly, the FCA ruled that the public has no right to have a complaint ruled on by the Commissioner, and therefore no right to challenge a decision not to investigate a complaint.  The SCC decided not to hear DWatch’s appeal.

Then, the Trudeau Cabinet filed a motion to have Democracy Watch’s cases thrown out, but the Federal Court rejected the motion because in the Bergen and O’Born cases DWatch is challenging the Commissioner’s final rulings under section 10.5 of the Lobbying Act after completing her investigations.  In contrast, in the Aga Khan case, the Commissioner refused to investigate under subsection 10.4(1) of the Act.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Stop Secret, Unethical Lobbying Campaign and Government Ethics Campaign

Democracy Watch in court today appealing ruling that blocked nine cases challenging Integrity Commissioner rulings that allowed Ford/PC Party-connected lobbyists to lobby Ford Cabinet secretly and unethically

Nine court cases challenge Commissioner’s first three public rulings on lobbying ethics rule since July 2016, and failure to penalize six lobbyists who violated law

Eight other cases DWatch has filed challenging Commissioner’s rulings from 2021-2023 on hold while courts decide the first nine cases

Huge loopholes in law allow for secret, unethical lobbying, which Premier Ford promised to review after Auditor General’s report on the Greenbelt scandal

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Friday, April 5, 2024

OTTAWA – Today, Democracy Watch is at the Ontario Court of Appeal appealing an August 2022 ruling of a Divisional Court panel of justices that upheld a November 2021 ruling by a judge that unjustifiably blocked nine court cases Democracy Watch filed in December 2020 challenging nine rulings by Ontario’s Integrity Commissioner J. David Wake that let lobbyists off even though they clearly violated Ontario’s lobbying law.

DWatch is asking the Court of Appeal to overturn the Divisional Court rulings and let DWatch’s nine cases go ahead so the courts will review the Integrity Commissioner’s rulings and hopefully reject them. Nick Papageorge and Wade Poziomka of Ross McBride LLP are representing DWatch for the cases.

To watch the appeal hearing on Zoom at 10 am ET today, click here (Meeting passcode is: 442189) or it can be viewed in person at Courtroom #1, Court of Appeal for Ontario, 130 Queen Street West, Toronto.

See in this Backgrounder details about the nine cases, and about an additional eight cases DWatch filed in 2021, 2022 and 2023 challenging eight other Commissioner rulings.  The other eight cases are hold until the rulings are issued in the initial nine cases.  In total, Democracy Watch is challenging 17 rulings issued by the Integrity Commissioner from 2020-2023.

Three of the nine cases challenge the first three public rulings of the Integrity Commissioner’s unknown number of decisions in the past few years that have let dozens of people (and maybe more) violate section 3.4 of Ontario’s Lobbyists Registration Act (LR Act) by fundraising or campaigning or working for a politician and lobbying them at the same time or soon afterwards.

It is likely that many of the lobbyists involved in the situations ruled on were advising Ford and/or in senior PC Party positions while they continued to lobby Ford’s Cabinet on long-term care, property development, COVID-19 relief, mining, and other big issues.  Click here to see a fairly complete list of lobbyists who were lobbying unethically from 2018-2020, and click here to see Toronto Star articles from 2021 about even more lobbyists lobbying the Ford Cabinet unethically.

Commissioner Wake’s three rulings are based on a very weak Interpretation Bulletin he issued in June 2020 that claims when a lobbyist assists a politician with fundraising or campaigning or gives them a gift, the conflict of interest created by the assistance or gift disappears soon afterwards, so the lobbyist can then lobby the politician and their staff.

All other commissioners in Canada have ruled that the conflict of interest created by assisting a politician in any significant way lasts for several years.  For example, until recent changes, the federal Commissioner of Lobbying’s ruling said the conflict lasts four years.  The federal lobbying law also prohibits Cabinet staff from lobbying for five years after leaving their position (s. 10.11 – though it has loopholes).  Click here to see Backgrounder on Conflict of Interest Rule in Ontario’s Lobbying Law.

The other six cases challenge Commissioner Wake’s arbitrary failure to penalize six lobbyists who violated Ontario’s lobbying law in serious ways, mainly by failing to register and disclose their lobbying for a year or more.  The Commissioner failed to penalize 23 of 27 lobbyists (85%) who violated the law from 2018-2020.

During the 2019-2020 fiscal year, Commissioner Wake only penalized one lobbyist, Lawrence Gold, for violating LR Act by failing to register and disclose his lobbying for a long period of time.  The Commissioner only imposed the minimum penalty of naming Mr. Gold publicly.  Four of the other six lobbyists who were not penalized by the Commissioner did exactly the same thing as Mr. Gold.  The other two lobbyists violated the law by lobbying politicians after campaigning for them or giving them gifts, in violation of section 3.4 of the LR Act.

All nine cases also ask the courts to rule that Commissioner Wake was biased when he issued the six rulings, given he knew that he would need the unanimous approval of Ford’s Cabinet and all MPPs to be re-appointed for a second five-year term, which happened on December 1, 2020 (although many MPPs were not present for that snap vote).

“Dozens of people who have helped or worked for Doug Ford or his Cabinet ministers or the PC Party have set themselves up in lobbying firms and, even though many of them have never lobbied before, big businesses are hiring them because they know it will get them inside access to Ford and his ministers,” Duff Conacher, co-founder of Democracy Watch.  “Democracy Watch is challenging the first three very weak decisions that Ontario’s so-called Integrity Commissioner has made public that have allowed lobbyists to corrupt Ontario government policy-making as they cash in on their so-called public service. Hopefully the court of appeal will allow these cases to go ahead and, in the end, order the Commissioner to stop this unethical lobbying of Ford’s Cabinet.”

“Ontario’s Integrity Commissioner has also failed to penalize almost all the lobbyists he has found in violation of the lobbying law since 2018, and so Democracy Watch is taking the commissioner to court to challenge the worst of his many bad rulings,” said Conacher.  “Hopefully the courts will issue rulings that require the Commissioner to start enforcing the lobbying rules strictly by penalizing all lobbyists who violate the law.”

Huge loopholes in the LR Act allow countless other lobbyists to lobby in secret and unethically.  None of the following lobbying activities are required to be disclosed: unpaid lobbying, business lobbying or non-profit organization lobbying of less than 50 hours a year, lobbying about the enforcement of a law, or in response to a request for feedback from a Minister, official or MPP.  As a result, anyone lobbying in these ways is also allowed to lobby secretly and unethically.

In response to the August 2023 Auditor General report on the scandal-plagued decision by the Ford government to open up development in the Greenbelt, Premier Ford created a working group and promised to review and strengthen Ontario’s political finance, ethics and lobbying laws, but it seems that all that has happened since is that a memo was sent to political staff reminding them to follow ethics rules.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Stop Secret, Unethical Lobbying Campaign and Stop Bad Government Appointments Campaign

Democracy Watch calls on Lobbying Commissioner to ensure independent investigation of lobbying by associates of Pierre Poilievre’s top advisor Jenni Byrne that shouldn’t fool anyone

Lobbying firm interconnected with Byrne’s firm, with lobbyists who seem to work for both firms lobbying top federal Conservatives, puts Poilievre in an appearance of a conflict of interest in violation of ethical lobbying code

Lobbying Commissioner Nancy Bélanger biased as she was handpicked by Trudeau Cabinet through secretive, PMO-controlled process, and is up for reappointment by the Cabinet at end of year – she should not investigate

Ruling on complaint should come after ruling in DWatch court case about activities by lobbyists that create an apparent conflict of interest

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Monday, April 1, 2024

OTTAWA – Today, Democracy Watch released the letter it has sent to Commissioner of Lobbying Nancy Bélanger requesting that she ensure an independent investigation and ruling on the activities of lobbyists registered under lobbying firm Forecheck Strategies, which has several interconnections with the lobbying firm of Jenni Byrne, who is one of the top advisors to Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre and also advised him during his party leadership campaign.

The evidence set out in the letter points to Forecheck Strategies, which was created the first business day after Pierre Poilievre became Conservative Party leader, as being a façade or front for Jenni Byrne and Associates, created solely to allow Jenni Byrne’s associates to lobby the associates of the politician she is advising (and possibly, an investigation may show, also to lobby Mr. Poilievre directly).

As section 2 of the letter details, as revealed recently in a Globe and Mail article and a CBC.ca article and in the federal Registry of Lobbyists and LinkedIn, Forecheck Strategies and Jenni Byrne and Associates share senior executives and staff and an office, and have staff registered to lobby under Forecheck’s name who are listed (and identify themselves) only as staff of Ms. Byrne’s firm, and they have lobbied at least two of Mr. Poilievre’s staff, at least 13 of his Shadow Cabinet Ministers, and at least one Conservative MP, and possibly even Mr. Poilievre directly, given that loopholes in the Lobbying Act mean not all details of lobbying are disclosed in the Registry.

As section 1 of the letter details, it is a violation of the federal Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct to create an appearance of a conflict of interest for a politician or other public official by lobbying them whenever they have a sense of obligation to you or your clients (Rule 4.3) or when they have close relationship with you or your clients (Rule 4.2), or by lobbying them at the same time or after doing favours or assisting them in some way that makes them feel a sense of obligation to protect your or your clients’ interests (Rule 4.1).  It is a violation of the Lobbying Act to fail to register paid lobbying accurately.

The Commissioner of Lobbying is required by the Act to investigate and issue a public ruling when a situation raises enough questions that an investigation is needed to ensure compliance with the Act or the Code, which is a low threshold.

Any reasonable person, knowing the above facts (which are all the facts that can be known as an outside observer), would conclude that Ms. Byrne’s work for Mr. Poilievre, combined with her direct connections with Forecheck’s founders and many interconnections between Forecheck and her firm, creates an appearance of a conflict for Mr. Poilievre and other Conservatives when someone from Forecheck lobbies them between their duty as MPs to uphold the public interest and their sense of obligation to do something to help the private interests the lobbyist represents.

If the Commissioner of Lobbying fails to enforce Rules 4.1 to 4.3 of the Lobbyists’ Code in this way, it will create another huge loophole in the Code (adding to the loopholes put into the new version of the Code last year by the Commissioner and House Ethics Committee).  Any lobby firm would be able to have its partners or lobbyists fundraise or campaign for or do other favours for party leaders, parties, MPs and senators and their staff, and then use a partner lobbying firm as  a facade or front to lobby those party leaders, MPs and senators and their staff.

“If Commissioner Bélanger handles this complaint, and does not interpret the lobbying code rules in a way that prohibits the sham scheme that associates of Jenni Byrne concocted to make money through unethical lobbying of federal Conservative politicians, then the Commissioner will not only add to the evidence that she is a dedicated lapdog who will do almost anything to encourage and allow unethical lobbying, but also that the new lobbyists’ code that she drafted and has claimed is aimed at ensuring transparent and ethical lobbying actually has a huge loophole that allows for clearly unethical lobbying,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch.

Section 3 of Democracy Watch’s letter also requests that Commissioner Bélanger delegate the investigations and rulings to a provincial ethics or lobbying commissioner who has no ties to any political party.  Commissioner Bélanger was handpicked by Prime Minister Trudeau through a secretive, PMO-controlled process, and has also made several public statements that she believes lobbyists are good and that public officials should be trusted, and she is also possibly up for re-appointment for a second seven-year term by the Trudeau Cabinet at the end of 2024.

For these reasons, Democracy Watch’s position is that Commissioner Bélanger is biased against enforcing the Lobbying Act and Lobbyists’ Code effectively, especially in situations involving the Trudeau Cabinet.

“Given that she was handpicked by Trudeau through a secretive, PMO-controlled process, and is up for reappointment by the Trudeau Cabinet at the end of this year, the Lobbying Commissioner is in a conflict of interest in dealing with this situation and so must delegate the investigation to a person who is independent of her and all political parties,” said Conacher.

Finally, section 4 of Democracy Watch’s letter requests that a ruling not be issued on the situation described in this letter until the FCA and Supreme Court of Canada have issued final rulings in DWatch ongoing court case challenging two rulings by the Commissioner concerning lobbying by people who co-chaired Chrystia Freeland’s 2015 election campaign and whether that created a sense of obligation/appearance of a conflict of interest on the part of Ms. Freeland.

The Lobbying Act was required to be reviewed by the House Ethics Committee 2017 and 2022, and the Committee will hopefully finally undertake the review in the next couple of months.  Click here to see details about the changes needed to close loopholes and strengthen enforcement and penalties for the Lobbying Act and Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Stop Secret Unethical Lobbying Campaign page and Government Ethics Campaign page

DWatch calls on inquiry to call key witnesses, ask key questions during fact-finding phase

Loopholes in election, donation and spending, lobbying and ethics rules make secret, unethical foreign interference and misinformation legal

Loopholes and weak, partisan enforcement mean it’s impossible to know extent of interference during past elections or since then, or to stop it

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Thursday, March 28, 2024

OTTAWA – Today, Democracy Watch released the list of 10 key witnesses and about 140 key questions to ask them that it has submitted to the Hogue Inquiry into Foreign Interference in Canadian politics.  Democracy Watch is an intervener in the Inquiry and is represented at the Inquiry by Wade Poziomka and Nick Papageorge of Ross & McBride LLP.

About half of the questions are for the Chief Electoral Officer of Elections Canada, and the Commissioner of Canada Elections, both of whom are testifying today.

The questions are aimed mainly at revealing the many loopholes in Canadian federal election, donation and spending, lobbying and ethics laws, and the lack of independent, effective enforcement of those laws.

The loopholes in the laws make secret, unethical foreign interference and misinformation activities legal, so no watchdog is even monitoring the activities, which makes it impossible to determine the extent of interference in the 2019 and 2021 elections, or before or after those elections up to now, or to stop the interference.

Almost all the watchdogs who are supposed to enforce the few effective rules that exist are chosen in secret by the ruling party Cabinet, many of them serve at the pleasure of the Prime Minister or Cabinet ministers, most don’t do inspections or audits, most are not required to issue public rulings on every allegation they investigate, and in many cases there are no penalties for violating the laws.

As a result, their enforcement is weak and ineffective and does little to discourage violations.

“A foreign-agent registry will not be enough to stop foreign interference in Canadian politics, especially if it is full of loopholes,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch. “Last year the lobbying commissioner gutted ethical lobbying rules, and MPs added a loophole to their ethics code so foreign-sponsored lobby groups can sponsor intern spies in their offices.  Those changes, combined with the existing loopholes and flaws in Canada’s election, political donation and spending, lobbying and ethics laws, make it even easier than it was in the past for foreign governments, businesses and organizations to influence Canadian politics and politicians in secret, including by making false claims on social media sites.”

“All our key democracy laws, including laws that claim to be aimed at stopping foreign interference, are enforced by weak lapdogs who are handpicked by the ruling party Cabinet, and they operate largely in secret and lack powers and accountability for doing their jobs properly,” said Conacher.

Click here to see the Backgrounder that summarizes all the loopholes and weak enforcement problems that make foreign interference legal and easy to do.

Click here to see summary list of 17 key changes to stop foreign interference.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Stop Foreign Interference in Canadian Politics Campaign, Stop Secret, Unethical Lobbying Campaign, Government Ethics Campaign, Money in Politics Campaign, Honesty in Politics Campaign, and Stop Fake Online Election Ads Campaign

Backgrounder

Backgrounder on Key Loopholes in Canada’s Lobbying, Ethics, Election, Political Donation and Spending Laws that Allow for Foreign Interference

(June 2024)


Foreign-agent registry must cover all foreign-influence activities, not just lobbying

The proposed foreign-agent registry must require anyone or any entity to register if they are paid or compensated in any way, directly or indirectly, by a foreign government, foreign entity or foreigner, or have any other type of arrangement with them, to be involved in Canada in public relations/communications or any political activities aimed at influencing politicians, parties or governments.

If the registry only requires people or entities paid to directly influence Canadian politics (which are the only activities covered by the bills that former Conservative Kenny Chiu and Senator Leo Housakas proposed), then it will require nothing more to be disclosed than what is already disclosed in the federal Registry of Lobbyists (under the federal Lobbying Act), and foreign agents will easily avoid being required to register (as some lobbyists do) by arranging to be compensated for other services or in some other way while doing the influence activities for free.

In June 2024, MPs from all parties approved Bill C-70, which creates a Foreign Influence Registry (FIR), but the bill has huge loopholes in it and the enforcement system will be weak, partisan, political and secretive. Click here to see details.


Commissioner of Lobbying and so-called Ethics Committee gutted key ethical lobbying rules in ways that will increase foreign interference

As more than 40 lawyers and professors, and 26 citizen groups, and the Globe and Mail (twice) have called for, the House Ethics Committee must reverse its positions and reject federal Commissioner of Lobbying Nancy Bélanger’s gutting last year of key ethical lobbying rules in the Lobbyists’ Code of Conduct in ways that will make secret interference in elections and secret activities to influence federal MPs easier for China and other foreign governments.

Commissioner Bélanger is gutting key ethical lobbying rules in the Lobbyists’ Code in ways that will allow lobbyists to secretly fundraise unlimited amounts of money for, and do significant campaigning for, politicians and their parties and lobby them at the same time or soon afterwards.

The so-called Ethics Committee also ensured loopholes were added to allow lobbyists to give MPs hundreds of dollars in gifts and meals annually, and also tried to convince the Commissioner to continue to allow lobbyists to give MPs trip junkets worth thousands of dollars annually.


Loopholes in lobbying law allow for secret lobbying

The federal Lobbying Act contains huge loopholes that allow for secret lobbying and hiding who is behind and funding influence activities such as ad and social media campaigns that appeal to voters to pressure MPs. Some of the biggest loopholes are:

  1. Lobbying and influence activities do not have to be registered, even if they are well-funded efforts by a business or organization, if the people overseeing or doing the activities are not paid specifically to do the lobbying activities;
  2. Lobbying and influence activities also do not have to be registered if the lobbying is about the enforcement of a law, a government contract or a tax credit (which businesses mostly lobby about, so these loopholes hide mostly big business lobbying);
  3. Businesses and organizations are not required to register and disclose their attempts to influence MPs if their employees all together lobby less than 20% of their work time;
  4. Even if a lobbyist, business or organization is required to register and disclose its lobbying, it is allowed to keep secret most of its lobbying communications with politicians, their staff and government officials, and;
  5. Even if a business or lobby group is registered, it is not required to disclose its source of funding (other than Canadian government funding) or how much it spends on its lobbying and influence activities.

Loopholes in ethics laws allow for unethical decision-making

Federal ethics rules have huge loopholes that allow MPs to have secret jobs, Cabinet ministers and top government officials to have secret investments, and everyone to participate in decisions that they profit from, and to act unethically in many other ways.

The Procedure and House Affairs Committee failed to address any of these loopholes when it reviewed MP ethics rules in secret last year and issued an initial report in June 2022. In fact, the Committee proposed, and the House approved on March 30, 2023, a new loophole in their ethics code that now allows lobby groups, including foreign-government sponsored groups, to pay for interns in MPs’ offices.

The Senate’s ethics code has many of the same loopholes, although it contains a few rules enacted in 2014 that, if the Senate Ethics Officer ever enforces the rules properly, will finally prohibit the unethical business activities and decision-making conflicts of interest by many Senators that the code currently allows.

Federal ethics laws also allow foreign governments and organizations to give MPs and Senators the gift of unlimited trips and junkets, and they are allowed to take their family members, staff and associates with them (known as the “sponsored travel” loophole).

In addition, politicians and public officials are allowed to accept hundreds of dollars worth of gifts each year from anyone, including lobbyists, foreign governments and front groups and individuals they sponsor to interfere in and influence Canadian politics. Incredibly, the Criminal Code of Canada (clauses 121(1)(b) and (c)) and many ethics codes for government employees across Canada, allow politicians and public officials to accept even bigger gifts and benefits as long as their boss approves it.


Loopholes in election law makes foreign interference and influence easy

The Canada Elections Act has several flaws that make interference and influence easy by foreign-government connected or sponsored individuals, businesses and organizations, as follows:

  1. Individuals, businesses and organizations are allowed to collude with and provide secret support to nomination race contestants and party leadership race contestants;
  2. Non-citizens and people who are younger than 18 are allowed to vote in nomination races and party leadership races;
  3. The high donation limit of $3,450 annually to each party and its riding associations makes it easy to funnel large donations to candidates and parties through just a few people;
  4. The identities of people who donate less than $200 annually are not required to be disclosed, making it easy to funnel donations of less than $200 through many people to candidates and parties;
  5. Individuals, businesses and organizations are allowed to funnel money to each other to hide the actual source of funds used in election campaign spending;
  6. One wealthy individual, or a business with just a couple of shareholders, or an organization supported by just a couple of voters, is allowed to spend up to $1 million during the pre-election period, and more than $500,000 during the election campaign, trying to influence voters;
  7. Nomination race contestants, election candidates, parties and party leadership contestants are allowed to audit their own campaigns, which makes it easy for them to hide illegal donations and spending.
  8. (Click here to see infographic webpage and video about the flaws)


Lack of effective honesty-in-politics law makes false claims, misinformation and disinformation legal

Many types of false claims are allowed about election candidates, party leaders and MPs, and no enforcement agency has the power to order social media companies to remove false online posts or ads.

In November 2018, the Chief Electoral Officer and Commissioner of Canada Elections (CCE) both told the Senate that one of key rules prohibiting false claims, misinformation and disinformation is essentially unenforceable because it requires the CCE to prove that the statement was intended to influence the election.

As well, the Liberal government’s election integrity plan was too weak and focused on the twin charades of educating citizens to recognize misinformation (which is impossible unless you are an expert in everything) and cooperating with social media companies that continue largely ineffective efforts to stop misinformation.


Enforcement watchdogs are handpicked partisan lapdogs who are allowed to issue secret rulings, and can’t be held accountable for failing to enforce the law properly

Enforcement of Canada’s election, political donation, lobbying, ethics, anti-corruption and whistleblower protection laws is very weak, as all the watchdogs are handpicked by Cabinet through secretive, partisan, political appointment processes and they are largely unaccountable even if they don’t enforce the law effectively or properly. All of the watchdogs other than the Chief Electoral Officer and Commissioner of Canada Elections can also be re-appointed for more than one term in office solely by the ruling party Cabinet, which creates an incentive for the watchdog, during the last part of each term in office, to rule on situations in ways that please the Cabinet.

The watchdogs are also allowed to refuse to investigate an alleged violation of the law they enforce, even if there is clear evidence of a violation, and even if they do investigate they are allowed to keep their rulings on violations secret, which hides whether they are actually enforcing the law properly. Click here to see how the Ethics Commissioner from 2007 to 2017 made more than 200 secret rulings that let off federal politicians and senior government officials for alleged violations of the federal ethics laws. Click here to see how the Commissioner of Lobbying and RCMP from 2008 to 2017 made almost 90 secret rulings that let off lobbyists for violations of the federal lobbying law. And click here to see how the Commissioner of Canada Elections and Elections Canada kept secret how they dealt with more than 3,000 complaints filed with them between 1997 and 2011 about violations of the federal elections law

The watchdogs also can’t be challenged in court if they fail to do their jobs properly.

Under the RCMP Act, the RCMP Commissioner and Deputy Commissioner and the Commanding Officer of each Division of the RCMP, are also all appointed by the federal Cabinet alone (no consultation with the opposition parties is required, nor is an independent, merit-based search for qualified candidates required) and all of them also serve at the pleasure of Cabinet (i.e. they can be fired at any time for any reason).

The Liberal government’s so-called “independent” Critical Election Incident Public Protocol Panel is not independent at all, as it is made up of public servants who were chosen by, and serve at the pleasure of, Prime Minister Trudeau, and the Cabinet Directive for the Protocol has several flaws that allow for coverups of foreign interference. If the Panel members are not fully independent of the government and all political parties, and the flaws in the Protocol are not corrected, then the Panel will continue to cover up foreign interference instead of reporting it publicly and stopping it.

Also, the Trudeau Liberals’ Cabinet Directive for the Protocol has several flaws, as follows:

  1. It is not legally binding on the Panel, and there are no penalties if the Panel violates any part of the Protocol;
  2. The section 6.0 process sets a much-too-high threshold for informing the public of interference (the interference essentially must threaten the ability of the entire national election to be free and fair);
  3. Even if the Panel decides (by consensus) that the interference meets the threshold, the section 5.0 process does not set any deadline by which the Panel is required to inform anyone of the interference;
  4. The section 9.0 Assessment also does not set any deadline by which a so-called “independent” report is required to be released about the effectiveness of the Protocol at “addressing threats” during the previous election.
  5. The section 9.0 Assessment is done by whomever the ruling party Cabinet chooses, so the assessor is not independent in any way. Trudeau’s Cabinet chose Morris Rosenberg, former head of the Trudeau Foundation when the Foundation received a $200,000 donation donation from two China-connected businessmen, to do the assessment for the 2021 election. Mr. Rosenberg’s contract terms have not been disclosed in the federal government contract registry.

Whistleblowers are not protected

People who blow the whistle on wrongdoing in Canada are not protected when blowing the whistle, and are also not protected from retaliation after they report wrongdoing. A key step in effective enforcement to prevent foreign interference is to establish a best-practice whistleblower protection system that protects anyone who blows the whistle on violations of any of the laws/rules listed above, including empowering the independent commissions to pay for a lawyer to advise whistleblowers of their rights, to reward whistleblowers if their claims are proven, and to protect them from retaliation and penalize anyone who retaliates against them.


See more details at Democracy Watch’s Stop Foreign Interference in Canadian Politics Campaign, Stop Secret, Unethical Lobbying Campaign, Government Ethics Campaign, Money in Politics Campaign, Honesty in Politics Campaign, Stop Fake Online Election Ads Campaign, Stop Bad Government Appointments Campaign, Stop Unfair Law Enforcement Campaign and Protect Whistleblowers Who Protect You Campaign

DWatch in court today vs. Ethics Commissioner’s ruling that ignored PM Trudeau’s clear violation in WE Charity grant approval

Stage 1 hearing of case is about whether errors in Ethics Commissioner rulings can be challenged in court when government tries to prohibit challenges

Federal ethics law prohibits all conflicts of interest and improper decisions, including improper apparent conflict that the Commissioner found Trudeau had

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Monday, March 25, 2024

OTTAWA – Democracy Watch announced that the court case it filed in June 2021 is finally in the Federal Court of Appeal (FCA) today, although still at a preliminary stage.  The case challenges Ethics Commissioner Mario Dion’s May 2021 ruling on Prime Minister Trudeau’s participation in the WE Charity grant approval process because the Commissioner made four key errors in letting Trudeau off even though Trudeau clearly violated the federal government ethics law.

The hearing is at the FCA today at 9:30 am in Ottawa at the Thomas D’Arcy McGee Building, 90 Sparks Street, 10th Floor.  The case is FCA file #A-169-21, and anyone can click here and register to watch the hearing on Zoom.  Michael Fisher of Ravenlaw is representing Democracy Watch in the case.

The Attorney General of Canada (AGC) handles the case when the Ethics Commissioner is challenged in court, which is strange given the Ethics Commissioner issues rulings on the AGC and other member of the federal Cabinet.  Cases challenging Ethics Commissioner rulings go straight to the FCA.  In 2021, the AGC filed a motion to try to stop the case, arguing that DWatch didn’t have standing to pursue the case, and that errors in the Commissioner’s rulings can’t be challenged in court.

Justice Stratas of the FCA ruled in December 2022 that DWatch had public interest standing to pursue the case, but he then ruled in February 2023 that the FCA had to first consider whether section 66 of the Conflict of Interest Act (which is known as a “partial privative clause”) prohibits challenging errors in the Commissioner’s rulings in court.

The ruling on this Stage 1 issue in the case will set a precedent that not only determines whether DWatch’s case challenging errors in the Ethics Commissioner’s ruling will go ahead, but also determines whether anyone can challenge errors in the rulings of any federal agency, board, commission or tribunal that has a “partial privative clause” in the law that governs it.

Democracy Watch is arguing that anyone should be able to challenge errors in Ethics Commissioner and other tribunal rulings in court to ensure that they interpret and enforce the laws they enforce properly. That’s why we have courts, to ensure that every government official, include watchdogs and administrative enforcement agencies, comply with the law.

Click here to see the Backgrounder summarizing the four key errors in the Ethics Commissioner’s ruling.

“Hopefully the court will allow the case to go ahead challenging the Ethics Commissioner’s error-filled ruling on Prime Minister Trudeau participating in the WE Charity grant approval, and will set a precedent that allows future cases challenging of errors in rulings by all federal agencies, boards, commissioners and tribunals to ensure that they always enforce the law properly,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch.

“Former Ethics Commissioner Mario Dion contradicted himself, tied himself into knots, and cut the federal ethics law into pieces in his ruling letting Prime Minister Trudeau off even though he clearly violated the federal conflict of interest law by participating, and having his office staff participate, in the WE Charity grant approval,” said Conacher.  “Former Ethics Commissioner Dion rolled over like a lapdog and again failed to properly enforce the ethics law, and Democracy Watch is challenging his ruling in court because it sets a very bad precedent that will allow politicians and government officials to take part in future decisions to hand out money to individuals and organizations that have close relations with their families.”

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s and Government Ethics Campaign and Stop Fraud Politician Spending Campaign

DWatch to file lawsuit challenging constitutionality of too-political Ontario judicial appointments and promotions system

Group already has ongoing lawsuit challenging constitutionality of too-political federal judicial appointments and promotions system

Premier Ford’s recent comments/actions make it clear the system is too political, which violates judicial independence and Charter rights of people in court cases

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Thursday, February 29, 2024

TORONTO – Today, Democracy Watch announced that it will file a court case challenging Ontario’s too-political, unconstitutional system for appointing judges to provincial courts.  Ross & McBride LLP will represent Democracy Watch and its co-founder Duff Conacher in the case.

Recent comments by Premier Doug Ford have made it clear that the changes his Progressive Conservative government made in 2021 to Ontario’s judicial appointment system, which gave the Attorney General (AG) more power and control over the appointment process, are intended to allow the government to appoint only Conservatives as judges.

At a news conference last Friday, Premier Ford confirmed that was the intent of the changes when he said: “I’m not going to appoint some NDP or some Liberal” and “I’m appointing judges who believe in what we believe in”.  He said similar statements in the Legislature on Monday and on Tuesday and on Wednesday.

As the Toronto Star reported last week, Premier Ford’s government also recently appointed two former Premier’s Office senior staff to the province’s Judicial Appointments Advisory Committee (JAAC), one as Chair and another as a member, and they are also both registered to lobby the Ford government.

Democracy Watch will file a court case challenging the Ford government’s appointment system for judges because it is open to political interference, patronage and cronyism that violates the constitutionally guaranteed independence of the courts, independence that is needed to ensure democratic good government and fair law enforcement for all,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch.  “The previous Ontario judicial appointments system which was in place since 1988 was more independent, but it could have been improved to make it even less under Cabinet control like Quebec’s world-leading system was made just over a decade ago.”

In Quebec’s appointment system, the Minister only appoints (in consultation with others) at most one member of the 5-6 member selection committee, and the committee only recommends three candidates for each open position (Click here and see sections 14-16 and 26).  In the UK system, the committee only recommends one candidate, and the minister must explain in writing to the committee if s/he rejects the recommended candidate.

In contrast, the Ford government’s 2021 changes increased from 7 to 10 (out of 13 total) the number of people the AG appoints as members of the province’s JAAC, and increased from 2 or more to 6 or more the number of candidates the JAAC is required to recommend to the AG for each open position.  The AG is also allowed to reject the list of candidates recommended by the JAAC and require a new list, and to consult with anyone, including ruling party members, about the candidates.  These changes open up the appointments system to political interference, patronage and cronyism (Click here to see Backgrounder for more details).

Ontario’s 2021 changes made Ontario’s appointment system similar to the federal system (the federal Minister appoints 6 of 7 members of the federal Judicial Advisory Committees (JACs), and the JACs send long lists of candidates to the Minister, who then consults with many ruling party politicians and members).

Democracy Watch has an ongoing court case now at the Federal Court of Appeal challenging the federal government’s system for appointing judges because it is open to political interference that violates the public’s Charter right to impartial courts, and the constitutional principle that guarantees the structural independence of judges so that the public can have confidence in the independence and impartiality of the courts.

Democracy Watch’s position is that the 2021 changes made Ontario’s system for appointing judges similarly unconstitutionally political and partisan.

The Advocates’ Society, the Federation of Ontario Law Associations, the Criminal Lawyers’ Association, and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association all recently expressed similar concerns about Premier Ford’s comments and actions, and they also criticized the changes when they were made in 2021.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Stop Bad Government Appointments Campaign and Stop Unfair Law Enforcement Campaign

Background on Key Problems that Make Ontario’s Judicial Appointments System Too Political

(February 2024)

To be eligible to be appointed as a provincial judge in Ontario, a person must either be a lawyer for 10 years, or a lawyer and then working full-time in a position that involves exercising powers and duties that are “judicial in nature” for a combined total of 10 years (See section 42(2) of the Courts of Justice Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. C.43).

In 1988, a Judicial Appointments Advisory Committee (JAAC) was established to search for and evaluate candidates to be appointed as judges.  The Ontario government’s Attorney General appointed 7 of the 13 members of the JAAC, and the JAAC submitted 2 or more candidates to the Attorney General for each open position.  While not ideal, the system was considered to be one of the leading systems in the world because of its level of independence from, and restriction of, political influence.

The Ontario government enacted Bill 245 in 2021, and Schedule 3 in the bill changed Ontario’s previous judicial appointment system.  The changes proposed to the Courts of Justice Act in Schedule 3 of Bill 245 made the Ontario system more political, partisan and Cabinet-controlled by:

  1. Increasing the number of members of Ontario’s Judicial Appointments Advisory Committee (JAAC) that the Attorney General appoints from 7 to 10 (of 13 total);
  2. Increasing the number of candidates the JAAC sends to the Attorney General for each judge position from 2 or more to 6 or more, and;
  3. Empowering the Attorney General to reject the entire list of recommended candidates and ask for a new list of candidates as many times as s/he wants.

Under Ontario’s system, the Attorney General is also allowed to consult with anyone, including ruling party members, about the candidates recommended by the JAAC.

Democracy Watch filed a submission in March 2021 with the committee of the Legislature that reviewed Bill 245 that criticized the negative effects the changes in the Bill would have on the independence and impartiality of Ontario judges.

The Advocates’ Society, the Federation of Ontario Law Associations, the Canadian Council of Criminal Defence Lawyers, the Criminal Lawyers’ Association, the Canadian Civil Liberties Association and several associations representing racialized lawyers also all expressed concerns about the negative effect of Bill 245’s changes on the independence and impartiality of Ontario judges.

All of the above parts of Ontario’s system open up the appointments system to political interference, patronage and cronyism.

Ontario’s 2021 changes made Ontario’s appointment system similar to the federal system (the federal Minister appoints 6 of 7 members of the federal Judicial Advisory Committees (JACs), and the JACs send long lists of candidates to the Minister, who then consults with many ruling party politicians and members).

Democracy Watch has an ongoing court case now at the Federal Court of Appeal challenging the federal government’s system for appointing judges because it is open to political interference that violates the public’s Charter right to impartial courts, and the constitutional principle that guarantees the structural independence of judges so that the public can have confidence in the independence and impartiality of the courts.

Democracy Watch’s position is that the 2021 changes made Ontario’s system for appointing judges similarly unconstitutionally political and partisan.

The constitutional principle that guarantees the independence of judges and the courts has been upheld in several rulings on the measures in Part VII of the Constitution. And sections 7 and 11(d) (and, indirectly, 24(1)) of the Charter have been applied in rulings to ensure impartial court hearings.

Like Ontario’s previous system before 2021, the Minister in Manitoba (section 3.3) and in B.C. (section 21) choose a minority of the members of the advisory committee for their provincial courts (ideally the Cabinet should not choose any of the members).

Much better is Quebec’s system in which the Minister in chooses at most one member (in consultation with others) of the 5-6 member advisory committee (Click here and see sections 14-16 and 26).  Ideally, the Cabinet should not choose any of the members of the committees.

Also like Ontario’s previous system before 2021, the advisory committees in Quebec (section 26) and the UK submit only 1-3 candidates for each open judge position, and the minister is required to choose from that short list (and in the UK where the committee only submits one candidate, the minister must explain in writing to the committee if s/he rejects the recommended candidate).

Will RCMP Commissioner and officer answer key questions today about weak, lapdog Trudeau Cabinet/SNC-Lavalin investigation?

RCMP still hiding 2,200+ pages of investigation records in violation of the Access to Information Act

Public inquiry needed into why RCMP’s national command tried to cover up its investigation, and why they rolled over and didn’t prosecute anyone

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:
Tuesday, February 27, 2024

OTTAWA – Democracy Watch called on MPs on the House Ethics Committee to ask RCMP Commissioner Michael Duheme and lead investigating officer Frédéric Pincince key questions when they testify today from 11 am to 1 pm about the RCMP’s investigation into the Trudeau Cabinet/SNC-Lavalin scandal.  Click here to see the list of key questions.

The Ethics Committee hearing is happening because the RCMP sent Democracy Watch a letter on September 22nd disclosing 1,815 pages of very questionable investigation records in response to DWatch’s July 2022 Access to Information Act (ATIA) request for all records of the RCMP’s investigation of the allegation that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Liberal Cabinet officials obstructed justice by pressuring then-Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould to stop the prosecution of SNC-Lavalin in 2018 (now operating under the name “AtkinsRéalis”).

The disclosure of the records caused two MPs on the House Ethics Committee to file motions to call the RCMP and other witnesses to testify about why the investigation was so weak, delayed, secretive and biased in favour of the Trudeau Cabinet.  The Committee approved one of the motions and was supposed to hold the hearing on December 11, 2023, but the meeting was cancelled at the last minute by Committee Chair John Brassard.

In addition to hearing from the RCMP Commissioner and lead investigator today, the motion approves future hearings at which former Privy Council Office Clerk Michael Wernick, former Ethics Commissioner Mario Dion and (for some reason) very conflicted Interim Ethics Commissioner Konrad von Finckenstein (who should not be reappointed at the end of Feb.) will testify.

“The RCMP Commissioner and lead investigator must answer many key questions because the evidence that has been disclosed so far shows that the RCMP is a negligently weak lapdog that rolled over for Prime Minister Trudeau by doing a very superficial investigation into his Cabinet’s obstruction of the prosecution of SNC-Lavalin, not trying to obtain key secret Cabinet communication records, and burying the investigation with an almost two-year delay,” said Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch. “The RCMP also misled the public by claiming it wasn’t investigating, continues to violate the open government law by keeping thousands of pages of investigation records secret much longer than is allowed, and is refusing to disclose the legal details why no one was prosecuted.”

In violation of the ATIA, the RCMP is still hiding about 2,200 pages of investigation records, and the Information Commissioner’s office is investigating DWatch’s complaint about the RCMPs’ now 20-month delay in disclosing the records.

A recent disclosure of related RCMP records to DWatch contains on p. 123 an email dated September 29, 2023 in which Rita Lattanzi-Thomas, Senior Consultant in the RCMP’s ATIP Branch writes that the 2,200 pages of documents are being reviewed to ensure they “will not reveal any investigation techniques etc.” and that the documents contain “the investigator’s notes (emails and notebook entries), witness interviews etc.” and that she is “hoping to have the remainder of the documents released on or before October 13, 2023.”  The records have still not been disclosed.

“Given pressure by the Prime Minister and Cabinet officials to obstruct a prosecution is a situation that has not been revealed publicly before, and given no past court ruling makes it clear that the RCMP and Crown prosecutors could not win a prosecution, they should have tried to get a search warrant for secret Cabinet communications, and prosecuted so a judge could decide in an open court whether obstruction had occurred instead of making a behind-closed-doors and very questionable decision to cover up their investigation,” said Conacher.

“If the RCMP does not answer the many key questions about its weak, lapdog investigation, and does not disclose all of its investigation records, then a public inquiry will be needed to determine why the RCMP’s national command tried to cover up its investigation, and exactly how and why they and Crown prosecutors decided not to prosecute anyone,” said Conacher.

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FOR MORE INFORMATION, CONTACT:
Duff Conacher, Co-founder of Democracy Watch
Tel: (613) 241-5179
Cell: 416-546-3443
Email: [email protected]

Democracy Watch’s Government Ethics Campaign, Open Government Campaign and Stop Unfair Law Enforcement Campaign