The 1,815 pages of Trudeau Cabinet/SNC-Lavalin scandal investigation records disclosed in September 2023 by the RCMP to Democracy Watch raise the following serious questions (Click here to see a summary of what the records revealed, and a detailed list of, and links to, the records with page references):

1. When will the RCMP disclose the 2,200 pages of investigation records that it has not disclosed since Democracy Watch requested them in July 2022 under the Access to Information Act?  Why is the RCMP still hiding these records even though its ATIP Branch committed to disclose them in October 2023?
2. Why did the RCMP not even try to apply to court to obtain a search warrant for any of the Trudeau Cabinet documents and records of communications (or parts of the documents or records) that were claimed to be “Cabinet confidences” even though they could have likely obtained some or some parts of the documents and records? And, when former Privy Council Office (PCO) Clerk Michael Wernick testifies before the House Ethics Committee, he must be asked why the PCO/Trudeau Cabinet refused to disclose the documents, especially given that the Cabinet disclosed all Cabinet confidence documents to the inquiry into the use of the Emergencies Act?
3. Why did the RCMP only interview three witnesses – former Attorney General and Minister of Justice Jody Wilson-Raybould, her assistant Jessica Prince, and former Deputy Minister of Justice Nathalie Drouin (who was appointed Deputy Clerk of the Privy Council in 2021, and then in January was appointed as the PM’s National Security Intelligence Adviser)?
4. Why did the RCMP rely almost entirely on public statements the PM, PMO staff, Cabinet ministers and their staff, and Mr. Wernick made, which of course were all aimed at trying to make it seem like they had done nothing wrong?  And why did the RCMP always characterize their statements in a favourable way whenever possible, and always argue in favour of doubts concerning the success of a prosecution?
5. Why did the RCMP continue to call the investigation an “assessment” even though it was clearly an investigation (was it to hide the fact that they were investigating the Prime Minister and others re: a violation of the Criminal Code)?
6. Why did the RCMP national command wait almost two years (from March 2021 to January 2023) to make its decision to end its superficial investigation of the situation without even doing a full investigation, let alone prosecuting anyone?  Why did the RCMP national command try, through its almost two-year delay, to bury and cover-up its investigation?
7. Who exactly in the RCMP was involved in making the delay decision and the decision not to prosecute anyone?
8. Who did they communicate with while making these delay and failure to prosecute decisions?  Did they communicate with anyone in the PCO or Trudeau Cabinet or Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)?
9. Why did the RCMP’s investigating officer initially establish that, to prove obstruction of justice in court, pressure must have been placed on someone to obstruct a proceeding in the justice system (which the RCMP had clear evidence of), but then switched the standard to require proof of “a corrupt intent to interfere”? and;
10. What were the actual legal reasons no one was prosecuted (the RCMP redacted from the records that were disclosed last September the legal opinion it received)?  Who made the decision not to prosecute, and who did they communicate with when making the decision?  Did they communicate with anyone in the PCO or Trudeau Cabinet or PMO?

Les 1 815 pages de dossiers d’enquête sur le scandale du Cabinet Trudeau/SNC-Lavalin divulguées en septembre 2023 par la GRC à Democracy Watch soulèvent les graves questions suivantes (Cliquez ici pour voir un résumé de ce que les dossiers ont révélé, ainsi qu’une liste détaillée et des liens vers les dossiers avec les références des pages):

Les dossiers d’enquête sur le scandale du Cabinet Trudeau/SNC-Lavalin ont été divulgués en septembre 2023 par la GRC à Democracy Watch et à Democracy Watch.

1. Quand la GRC divulguera-t-elle les 2 200 pages de dossiers d’enquête qu’elle n’a pas divulgués depuis que Democracy Watch les a demandés en juillet 2022 en vertu de la Access to Information Act ? Pourquoi la GRC cache-t-elle encore ces dossiers alors que sa direction de l’AIPRP s’est engagée à les divulguer en octobre 2023 ? “

sont considérés comme des “documents confidentiels du Cabinet” alors qu’elle aurait probablement pu obtenir certains ou certaines parties des documents et des enregistrements ? Et, lorsque l’ancien greffier du Bureau du Conseil privé (BCP) Michael Wernick témoignera devant le Comité d’éthique de la Chambre, il faudra lui demander pourquoi le BCP/Cabinet Trudeau a refusé de divulguer les documents, d’autant plus que le Cabinet a divulgué tous les documents confidentiels du Cabinet à l’enquête sur l’utilisation de la Emergencies Act?

.

2. Pourquoi la GRC n’a-t-elle interrogé que trois témoins – l’ancienne procureure générale et ministre de la Justice Jody Wilson-Raybould, son assistante Jessica Prince, et l’ancienne sous-ministre de la Justice Nathalie Drouin (qui a été nommée sous-greffière du Conseil privé en 2021, puis en janvier a été nommée conseillère du Premier ministre en matière de renseignement sur la sécurité nationale) ?

Code pénal) ?


[ :]